Abdisalan Sheikh Hassan. (NUSOJ)

New York, December 19, 2011–Somali authorities must pursue all leads in investigating the murder on Sunday of a broadcast journalist who had reported receiving several recent threats. A gunman in a military uniform shot freelance reporter Abdisalan Sheikh Hassan, according to local and international reports.

The false hope …

because life passes before your eyes slowly
it is better not expect anything from anyone to be waiting forever
is better to be pessimistic be disappointed
the false hope that is responsible not go on account
porti look, because the world is selfish
and maybe looking for that person and that there
that they look for you, glad you’re happy
although this seems not always be there
is difficult but not impossible
may be that your imagination fly and crash
or maybe not, but
I prefer not to let hope the power of my decision
colleagues? many but friends are few
I approach this illusion as would a broken mirror
and am dying to see the falsity of a thought
like memories that come and go like the wind does
is not something material, a belief, and that depends on you
exist not as we do not give the right to choose
sometimes reality is not what we all want to see
do not you take off the blindfold because it’s easier to believe
on blind faith that manipulates your look and want
believe that it is easier to think what one you choose
does not hurt so much, the truth
that hides behind the mask behind a false wall

(BSP) - Ujeedkayga ayaa ah maxaa Farmaajo ka dhigay Rajadii umada soomaaliyeed? ma faaliyaa sheegay sidii odaygii hindiga ahaa ee hore loo yiri wuu faaliyey, mise waaba waxyi oo waxaa jira daliil cusub oo loo hayo arintaasi.

Dad badan oo bulshada soomaaliyeed dhexdeeda magac ku lahaa kana mid ahaa dad lagu tiriyo dhexdhexaadka ayaa helay balanqaadyo siyaasadeed ama maaliyadeed damac iyo xaalkii, waxaan arkay koox isku xirantay , waa Farmaajo, Amiinamir , Axmadeeyga Universaltv, Saado cali , Kooxda Qeylo dhaan iyo kuwo kale oo aan wali is cadayn.

Amin Caamir waxaa loo doortay inuu ku dagaalamo Cartoomadiisa, oo uu dowladda xumaan maahee wanaagba ka sheegin ilaa sanadka inta ka dhiman, Saado Calina in ay heeso Farmaajo lagu amaanaayo qaado, Axmadeeyga Universalna uu Tvgiisa ku baahiyo barnaamijyo lidi ku ah Dowladda Madaxweyne Shariif, Qeylo dhaana in ay Qeyladooda ku qal qalgeliyaan Shacabka reer Muqdisho si ay dowladda uga soo hor jeestaan.

Waxaa la yiri rajada soomaaliya , Nabad iyo dowladnimo waxaay ku xirantahay farmaajo Hadaba waa is waydiine farmaajo intee in le,eg ayuu wax ka qaban karaa wadankan, muxuuse ka bedelay maalmuhuu joogay aan ahayn dagaal dhex maray ciidamada manta ka saaray muqdisho shabaab. Oo markii hore awood yaraa waqtigiisiina ku soo beegmay ciidamo badan oo tababaran iyo wajigii dagaalka Amisom oo la bedelay oo laga dhigay nabad dhaliyayaal toosna weerarka uga qayb galay.

Farmaajo ma marin waji siyaasadeed oo kuma dhawaaqin xisbi cusub oo la tartamayaa xukuumada iyo dowlada isbedelna samaynaya , ujeedadiisa kuma salayna soomaaliweyn ee waxuu dagaal iyo gubuxtankii lagu yaqaanay hogaamiye kooxeedyadii Sheekh Sahriif Liqay, ayuu galay isagoo si toosa dabada ula galay jufadiisaa taageerona naf iyo maalna wuu waydiistay.

Waxaa beesha Mudane farmaajo siyaasada ka baxday ka dib 21kii sano ee kacaankii siyaad barre balse nasiib wanaag waxaa soo nooleeyey rajada beesha markii Madaxweyne shariif kursiga dib ugu soo celiyey farmaajo oo joogay lix bilood muddo ka yar.

Maxaa ku kelifay inuu farmaajo raadiyo taageerada shacabka?

Qodobka 1aad:- farmaajo waxaa ti toosa u mucaarday Maamulka puntland oo iyagu xalaalaystay saamiga beeleed ee ay wadaageen beesha Farmaajo oo mudo dheer saaxada siyaasada ka maqnayd iyo garoomada gogolxaadhka ayaa waxaa xalaashaday kursiga 4.5 beesha Puntland oo la timid qorshe siyaasadeed ka duwan beelaha kale ee ay wax wadaagaan nidaam gobolaysi iyo dhul ay ku gorgortamaan iyo waliba siyaasiyiin u hamuun qaba kursiga oo qaarkoodna siyaabo khaldan ugu guuleysteen isaga oo taas og ayuu helay jaanis aanu filayn waa riyo riyaduna waxay ahayd inuu beeshiisa 21 sano ka maqnayd saaxada siyaasada kursiga labaad hesho , si uu u indho sarcaadiyo bulshada reer muqdisho oo aaminsan dhibka dhacayaa inuu yahay beertii ina siyaad barre, ayuu u muujiyey dabacsani siyaasadeed si uu u kasbado bulshada waana qayb ka mida ciyaaraha siyaasada (nimaad dagi nimaad dili , nimaad dabin u qoolayso waa laysu kala daadiyaa yuusan kaa didine)

Qodobka 2aad:- Waxaa qacdiiba mucaarad kala hor yimid xertii baarlamaanka oo garanwayday xaguu yarku naga soo booqday yaa watay, yaa ka danbeeyey ? muxuu siday muxuu keenay ? muxuu hayaa ? waxaana muran mudo ka taagnaa gacanta u taaga iyo u taagi mayno.

Qodobka 3aad:- Bulshada caalamaka ee mushaharka dowlada ku meelgaarka ah bixisa kuma qanacsanayn sidaa awgeed waxuu isku dayey inuu helo waji ka duwan kaas oo uu shacabka beerlaxawsado inta uu ka helayo saaxiib siyaasadeed oo caalami ah ama wadamo taageera ama uu ka helo saaxiibnimo siyaasadeed, sida wadamada reer galbeedka ee maalgeliya daneeyana arimaha soomaaliya.

Hadaba waxaa intaas dheeraa Madaxweynaha DKM oo ahaa shaqsiga u ogolaaday inuu xukuumadiisa wasiiradiisa u noqdo xor aana wax faragelina ku samayn ayaa waxaa uu siiyey fursad wanaagsan waxqabadkii meeshaa ka dhacay iyo kan hada dhacana waxaa amaanteeda iska leh Mudane Sheikh Shariif Sheikh Axmed.

Hadaba shirarka ka dhacayaa Talyaaniga iyo nayroobi laguna wado in lagu qabto wadamo badan oo Canada iyo amerika ah ee loogu magacdaray Rajada soomaaliya waa Farmaajo miyeysan ahay (Riyo soo jeeda ah, oo run loo maleeyey rafaad ku danbayn doonta.

Halkaan ka Akhri: africorruption.

Sida cad haddii aan hadalka daaha ka rogo istiraajiyada farmaajo ee siyaasadeed waxaad ka dhadhahnsan karaysay shirkii Norwey oslo oo uu ku fashilmay oo xitaa caro iyo ciil dartiis sawirada madaxweynaha hala jeexjeexo yiri, iyo mudaaharadadii lacagta lagu bixiyey ee dadka masaakiinta ah qaarkood lagu qalday kuna nafwaayeen oo iyaguna uu ku muujiyey damaciisa siyaasadeed ee qaawan.

Farmaajo waxuu godobta xilkiisa u tirsanayey kampla iyo Uganda hadana dhakhso ayuu ugu noqday isaga oo la ogaa sababtuu u tegay inay ahayd waxoogaa balanqaadkii loo sheegay haduu xilka ka dego in la siinayo.

Hadaba waxuu yiri waxaan uga degay dan soomaaliyeed , waxuu kale oo yiri waxaan wadanka iga soo saaray xor ma nihin, isaga oo xor oo dhalashadii maraykanka watona waxuu tegay kampala waxuuna ka soo qaatay qadar yar oo Meher ah oo aan buurnayn sidii rag ka horeeyeyba.

Haddii ninka damaciisa siyaasadeed intaas le,eg yahay noqday rajada soomaaliya waxaan aaminsanahay inaysayn soomaaliya rajoba u harin waa haday ku xirantay farmaajo ilaahay kuma xirine , mideeda kale Farmaajo soow ma aheyn wiil meesha la keensaday hadana laga saaray ?

Xiinka siyaasadeed ee beelaysan ee dhagaraysan ee farmaajo iyo dagaalka uu kula jiro dowlada KMG ah iyo maamulka Puntland dadka u malaynayaa rajo soomaaliyeedoow haku dagmina hana ku sirmina (Hubsada oo ka hara, hantaaqada iyo hagardaamada ay wadaan kooxaha shirarka abaabulaya waad mahadsan tihiin .

Halkaan ka akhri Buuga oo dhan Mohamed-Mohamed.pdf

 

Aqoonyahanada, Siyaasiyiinta, Odayaasha dhaqanka, Culumaaudiinka iyo Waxgaradka Koonfurta Soomaaliya waxay si weyn ugu doodeen ka dib markii ay arkeen buugii uu qoray Maxamed Cabdulaahi Maxamed (Farmaajo) oo uu soomaalidu uu ku qeybinaayey qaar uu ku tilmaamay xoolo dhaqato reer guuraa ah, kuwa yar yar oo beeraley ah iyo kuwo reer xeebeed ah oo noloshoodu ku saleysantahay kaluumeysi iyo tacbato beero sidoo kalena isu raacsiyey sida tan Dir, Daarood, Isaaq iyo Hawiye in uu shacabkoodu  soomaali ka yahay 70%  Digilmirifle ama Raxweyn 20% Reer Xeebeedka oo uu raacsiiyey beeralayda 10% isagoo ujeedadiisu ay tahay in uu xaqiro  beeraleyda iyo kaluumeysatada marka laysu geeyey 30% ay isku noqonayaan isla markaana uu sare u qaado reer baadiyaha reer guuraaga ahaa oo aan lahayn nolol deganaansho iyo xasilooni qof kastaana waxaa xukumaaya bey’adiisa ninkii abihiisa geel dhacaayey awowgiisa asagoo geel dhacaaya la diley iyagoo sidaa isu daba taxan ka awoowe ka awoowe noloshoodu ay ku salaysneyd mar uu geel dhacaayo mar uu soo dhicinayo iyo mar uu difaacaayo waxaa intaa u dheer dagaalo aan dhamaaneynin oo ah dagaalka daaqa iyo biyaha oo maalin kasta laysku laayo cadceed soo baxdaaba aan kala go` lahayn.

Soomaalidu waxay ku maah maahdaa Dhar magaalo sida lagu qaato dhowaa !! dhal magaalo sida lagu noqdo dheera !!.

Hadaba 20 sano ayaan mareykan ku noolaa iyo jaamacad baan ka soo baxay ilbaxnimo iyo aqoon kuuma kordhinayso (kullu sheey yarjac ilaa aslihii).

Qofku waa ilbax goormee la dhihi karaa? Waa inuu magaalo ku dhashaa ugu yaraan 5 fac  isaga, abahiisa, awoowgiisa, awoowgiisa kale kan ka sii dambeeya.

Magaalo waxaa dhista dad aan guur guurin oo leh nolol ku dhisan deganaansho iyo xasilooni kuwaasina waa beeralayda iyo kaluumeysatada iyo lo’leyda oo aan ka dheereyn waxaa ku dhex jira ganacsatada kuwaas oo ka dhex abuurma isdhexgal bulsho, is aamin, iskaashi iyo iskaashatooyin.

Shirakado ka shaqeeya horumarinta ijtimaaciga ah wax kala amaahsiga iyo wax iska sugidda, dulqaad waana dadkii keenay gobanimada iyo dowladnimada maanta lagu tumanaayo.

Sharafta iyo karaamada heybadda ay lehaydna bahdiley waa reer baadiyihii reer guraaga ah oo saaxadda siyaasadda iyo kursiga Madaxtooyada iyo Dowladaba la soo fuulay habkii isu xoog sheegashada, boobka, dilka, dhaca, sharci la’aanta qof walba qumanihiisa qoorta u suran.

Waxaa marag ma doonta ah qof kasto Soomaali u dhashay uu og yahay in aan jirin tira koob la sameeyey oo la yiri reer hebel idinka tiradiinu waa intaas xitaa soomaali tira koobkeedu waa intaa lama oran.

Shucuubta ku dhaqan inta u dhaxeysa labada webi ilaa laga gaaro xeebta badweynta hindiya waa dadka ugu badan Soomaaliya madaama degaankooda uu yahay barwaaqo roobabkuna ay ku badan yihiin abaaruhuna ay ku yar yihiin burburkaan ka horna colaaduhu ay ku yaraayeen.

Dadkani waxay isugu jiraan beeraley, xoolaley oo u badan lo’ dhaqato, kaluumeysato iyo ganacsato meesha ay barwaaqada, nabadda iyo xasiloonida ku badan tahay dadkuna waa ku badan yihiin tarankooduna aad ayuu u sareeyaa.

Marka laysma bar bardhigi karo meesha ay ku badan yihiin coladaha, abaaraha iyo roob la’aanta noloshuna ay ku adagtahay.

Sidaasi awgeed, Maxamed Cabdulaahi Maxamed (farmaajo) waa nin aan aqoon dalka iyo dadka Soomaaliya aaminsan in soomaalidu ay kala sareyso ku tala galkiisana uu yahay in uu duudsiyo Qowmiyaad jira xuquuqdooda.

 Talo soo jeedin

Waxaan soo jeedinaynaa  in qofka doonaayo  Shaqo Qaran waa in uu aqoon iyo waayo aragnimo durugsan u leyahay dalka iyo dadka soomaaliyeed rug cadaa ah, isku kalsoon kuna kalsoon dalkiisa, dadkiisa iyo  diintiisa islamarkaasna aan jiidaneynin caadifad qabiil.

Ka madax banana cunsuriyadda, hanti aruursiga, kala yaqaan waxa  gaarka loo leeyahay iyo waxa ummaddu leedahay iyo Qarankaba, dhowra shuruucda iyo qawaaniinta, xisaabtama kala saari kara waxa uu xaq leeyahay iyo waxa xaq loogu leeyahay xil kasna ah.

Qofku waa ilbax goormee la dhihi karaa? Waa inuu magaalo ku dhashaa ugu yaraan 5 fac  isaga, abahiisa, awoowgiisa, awoowgiisa kale kan ka sii dambeeya.

Haddii aan wax ka xuso taariikhda faca weyn ee ay leedahay Magaladda Madaxda soomaaliya ee Mogadisho, oo  ka mid ah  gobolka Banaadir . Runtii ma ha mid qoraalkaani lagu soo koobi karo balse waxaan jaclahay in aan si kooban u xuso oo aan wax ugu tilmaamo taariikhdda haddii Alla idmo.

Haddba guud ahaan gobolka banaadir waa degaan aad u baalaran oo ilaahay ku maneystay khayraad fara badan oo dhul iyo bad ba leh. Dadka degaankani benaadir degenaa waxaa ilaaahay  hibo u siiyeye ilbaxnimo iyo is qadarin oo ay ku dheehan tahay xadaarad fac weyn.

Taasoo ay caddeeyen qorayaashii badmareenadda ahaa ee dalkeena imaan jiray iyaga oo had iyo jeer ku soo xiran jiray xeebaha Banaadir sida Xamar (Mogadishu), Warshiikh, Marka Baraawe iyo Kismaayo iwm.

Culumadaasi waxay qoraladooda ay ku xuseen in xeebaha soomaaliya ay degenaayeen qowmiyada meel sare ka gaaray xadaaradda, muddo qarniyaal badan laga joogo sida ay tilmaameen badmareenadaasi caanka ahaa oo ay ka mid yihiin  “Ibna Batuuta, Vasco de Gamma, Maro Pollo , Cheng Ho, Fei Hsin iyo Hslao Kolan iyo kuwa kale “

Waxaan tusaale gaaban u soo qadanayaa caalimkii Ibna batuuta oo ku sheegay buugiisa oo uu qoray qaranigii 13aad inuu ku arkay xeebaha Soomaaliyeed dad nabada jaceel isla markaasina ku dhaqma nidaam iyo kala dambeyn kuna barbaariya dhalaankoodda barashadda diinta islaamka wuxuuna sheegay inuu ku arkay dad ganacsiga ku xeel dheer, kuwaaso lahaa xirfaddo kala duwan, wuxuuna dadkaasi ku tilmaamay dad ku fiican soo dhaweynta.

Waxaa oo kale uu Ibna Batuuta sheegay in magaalada  Mogadish – Xamar ay ka dhisnaayeen dhismooyin aad iyo aad u qurux badan oo la tartami kara dhismooyinka waa weyn ee markaasi dunidda ka jiray. Haddii aan tusaale kale u soo qaato qoraagii Emrico Cerculli, qoraaladiisa wuxuu ku xusay in magaaladda Mogadishu (Xamar) ay ka jireen laba xafadood oo waa weyn oo caan ahaa kuwaasi oo kala ahaa Xamar weyne iyo Shangaani oo lahaan jireen goobo muujinaya taariikhda soo jireenka ah sida dhismaha masaajiddada kala ah Jaamacadda Xamar weyne, Masjidka Fakhrudiin, Misjidka Arbaca Rukun iyo Masjidka Cabdulcasiis   iwm.

Dhismayaashaasi oo idil waxay muujinayaan xaraaddada dadkii degenaa magalada Mogadishu (Xamar). Waxaa xusid mudan sannadkii 1986 dii oo dib loo dhisay masjidka Shariif Ahmed kuna yaalay degmadda shingaani, waxaa laga helay dhismo aad u fac weyn oo lagu qiyaasay 1200 sannaddood ka hore in la dhisay, taasina waxay marqaati cad u tahay in magaaladda xamar ay tahay magaalo aad iyo aad u faca weyn.

Sannadkii 1892dii, Mogadishu waxaa ka talinaayey Suldaankii Sansibaar, wuxuuna heshiis la galay Talyaaniga oo ka kireeyey Mogadisho muddo 25 sano ah, kiradaasi waxaa lagu qiyaasay lacag gaareysa ilaa 144,000 sterliini ah sanadkiiba inuu bixiyo, hase yeeshee Talyaaniga oo ahaa gumeysi wuxuu markii ba bilaabay xeelad iyo makri oo si tartiib tartiib ah uu ugu fiday goboladda konfureed asiga oo isticmaalaya awood military ah, hase yeeshee dadka soomaaliyeed si xoog leh ayay uga hor yimaadeen, dagaal qaraar na wuxuu ka dhacay Afgooye( Lafoole) oo la magac baxay dagaalkii Lafoole iyo Dhanaane oo dad badan isticmaarka kaga dhinteen isla markaasina jab weyn ay ka soo gaartay Talyaaniga, ka dibna isticmaarka talyaaniga wuxuu ku fiday dhamaan goboladda soomaaliyeed oo uu ka talinaayey muddo 70 sannadood ah. Dagaalkii labaad oo Ingriiska oo guul weyn ka soo hooyey, gumeysigii talyaaniga na oo halkaasi lagu jibijey, sidaasi darteed goboladda soomaaliyeed oo idil waxay mar kale ay gacanta u gashay ingriiska.

Markii Talyaaniga laga guuleystay waxaa magaaladda muqdisho soo galay maamulkii militariga ingriiska oo magaalo madax ka dhigtay muqdisho, isla markaasina ka sameeyey maamul hoose oo dhallinyaradda soomaaliyeed hogaanka u qabtay.

Sannadkii 1948dii magaaladda muqdisho waxaa yimid wafdi ka socda dawladihii ku guuleystay dagaalkii labaad ee adduunka oo uu ka mid ahaa Mareykanka, Ruushka , Ingriiska iyo Fransiiska, waxayna muqdisho ay u yimaadeen in ay afti ka qaadaan dadka soomaaliyeed ama ay ogaadaan rayiga dadweynaha soomaaliyeed in ay rabaan gobanimo iyo kale. Ka dib markii ay warbixintii ay u gubiyeen UN ka sidaasi darteed 5tii Oktoober 1949 waxaa UN ka go’aan ku gaartay in Talyaaniga uu maamulo muddo 10 sannadood ah iyadood 4 dawladoodna kor ka ilaaliya, 4taasi dawladdood oo kala ahaa Masar, Filippino, Liberia iyo Colombia.

Sannadkii 1960kii oo ahaa sannadkii ay soomaliya xornimaddeeda ka qaadateen  Ingriiska iyo Talyaaniga, sidaasi darteed magaaladda Mogadisho waxay noqotay meel ay ku soo qul qulaan shacabka soomaaliyeed iyaga oo doonaya in ay helaan shaqo iyo waxbarasho, waxayna Mogadisho noqotay magaalo aad iyo aad u weyn. Si tartiiib ah ay u soo kordheen dadkii deganaa isla markaasi na si xad dhaaf ah ayay u fiday, waan magaaladda ugu weyn ee soomaaliya oo ay degen yihiin dad lagu qiyaasay waqtigan xaadir ah   ilaa laba milyan qafood.

Dagaalkii sokeeye ee soomaaliya ka dhacay waxay dhaawac weyn gaarsiisay bilicdii magaaladda mogadisho oo maanta ay ka muuqato dhibaatooyinkaasi, waxayna u baahan tahay dayac tir weyn,  si loo soo celiyo haybadii iyo sharaftii ay lahayd magaalada Mogadisho.

 Wuxuu shacabka soomaaliyeed ka filayaa DFKM in ay wax weyn ka qabto sidii loo soo celin lahaa  bilcidii ay  magaaladda faca  weyne ee Mogadisho – Xamar ay lahaan jirtay, maxaa yeelay waxaa magaalo oo aan si na looga sabri karin (marna la ilaabi karin) magaaladda Muqdisho in ay tahay magaalo madaxda dalka soomaaliya taasi muran kama taagan hase yeeshee magaalada Mogadisho waxaa salidhig Eebbe uga dhigay dad wax ma garato ah oo si xad dhaaf ah u bur buriyey, ujeeddooyinka ka dambeysana ay tahay in la tirtiro goobaha taariikhi ah oo ay Mogadisho – Xamar xamabrsan tahay.

Sida runta ah qof waliba maanta waa uu ka dheregsan yahay meel kasta  uu ku sugan yahay (dibadda ma guddaba) in uusan heli karin magaalo u dhigan ta “East and West Home is the best “ Qofna dalkiisi hooyo ee soomaaliya   meel u dhaanta heli maayo haddii uu bar bar dhigo meesha uu maanta dunida uu kaga nool yahay.

Mogadisho waxay kulan satay jawi aan laga heli karin adduunka intiisa kale, hase yeeshee waxaa maanta u ehel noqday dad aan damiirba lahayn oo dan iyo xaajaba aan ka lahayn burburka magaladda . Haddaba waxaa is weydiin muddan, maxaa keenay inuu  muran fara badan uu ka dhasho ka dhigidd caasimada soomaaliyeed in ay noqoto Mogadisho ee DFKM degto iyo in kale, runtii waxaa filayaa in aan la heli karin magaalo maanta u dhigan ta in ay caasimad noqoto maxaa yeelay waxaan mar na indhaha laga qarsan karin in Mogadisho ay buuxisay wax alla wixii looga baahnaa caasimad in kastoo ay la kulantay burbur aad iyo aad u balaaran haddan wax iyada dhaanta ma jiraan ileyn dagaalka wuxuu aafeeyey dhamaan soomaaliya oo idil, sidaasi darteed waxaan kula talin lahaa DFKM in aysan ka shakin in ay  tahay Mogadushu magaalo madaxda ee Soomaaliya. Waa in la sugaa  aamaanka isla markaasina uu dawladda gacanteeda ay ku soo noqdaan hubka fara badan ee maanta ku baahsan guud ahaan dalka soomaaliyeed gaar ahaan magaalada Mogadisho oo aan filaayo in ay yaalaan hub aad iyo aad u fara badan oo u baahan in gacan aamaan ah loo soo celiyo.

Ma filaayo  in ay jiraan qof diidan in caasimadda soomaaliya in ay noqoto magaalada Mogadisho – Xamar, haddii ay jiraan waxaan filayaa in ay yihiin dad aad iyo aad u yar marka la bar bardhigo dadweynaha soomaaliyeed.

Waxaan dadweynaha soomaaliyeed ee ku sugan magaalada Mogadisho aan kula talin lahaa in ay dib u soo celiyaan  bilcidii iyo wanaagii lagu yaqiinay magaaladda mogadisho isla markaasina ay dhigaan hubka sharciddaradda ah oo lagu laayay shacab aan waxba galabsan si loo badbaadiyo jiilka maanta soo koraya.

Halkaan ka akhri Buuga oo dhan Mohamed-Mohamed.pdf

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In February 2011, at the onset of the Libyan Revolution, Moamar Gadhaffi trumpeted to the world, “They love me. All my people with me, they love me. They will die to protect me, my people.” He called the rebels fighting to oust him from power “rats and cockroaches”. He believed it was his birthright to rule Libya as “king of kings” and remained in total denial of his own doom until the bitter end in a sewer tunnel. In the end, in an ironic twist of fate, Gadhaffi was served poetic justice. He was trapped like a sewer rat and smashed like a cockroach as he begged for mercy: “Don’t shoot me!”

The man who had played God in Libya for 42 years died a wimpy thug. The man with the absolute power to decide who shall live and who shall die was shot down like a rabid dog in the street by a nameless rebel. The man who had tortured and abused so many thousands of his people in secret prisons and dungeons was himself tortured and abused with unspeakable inhumanity broadcast for the world to see. The man who slaughtered thousands of his people ended up in the meat locker of a slaughterhouse where his victims gloated over his bloodied and half-naked body discarded on a filthy mattress like big game hunters inspecting their kill on an African safari. The man with the golden gun died from a lead bullet. The man-turned-monster who once called himself “brother leader,” “guide of the revolution,”  “king of kings,” “Great Leader,” and “keeper of Arab nationalism” was escorted to his unmarked grave in the featureless desert by a swarm of hungry maggot-bearing flies. Only one question remained: Is it possible for Gandhi’s warning about dictators to have  momentarily flashed before Gadhaffi’s eyes or echoed in his ears as he prepared to meet his Maker: “I remember that all through history the ways of truth and love have always won. There have been tyrants, and murderers, and for a time they can seem invincible, but in the end they always fall. Think of it–always.”

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]]> http://peoplepeaceinitiative.wordpress.com/2011/10/31/african-dictators-the-people-dont-love-you/feed/ 0 peoplepeaceinitiative http://peoplepeaceinitiative.wordpress.com/2011/04/25/somalia-the-u-n-fails-to-take-control-of-the-%e2%80%9ctransition%e2%80%9d/ http://peoplepeaceinitiative.wordpress.com/2011/04/25/somalia-the-u-n-fails-to-take-control-of-the-%e2%80%9ctransition%e2%80%9d/#comments Mon, 25 Apr 2011 12:44:47 +0000 peoplepeaceinitiative http://peoplepeaceinitiative.wordpress.com/?p=1794 ]]> By: Dr. Michael A. Weinstein

The chapter of Somalia’s political history that has been dominated by the attempt of the United States, working through the United Nations, to manage the “transition” of Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government (T.F.G.) to a permanent set of governing institutions has ended with the collapse of the U.S.-U.N. initiative.

The effort to guide the “transition” had been doomed to failure from its outset in early 2011, but it appears that the U.S. had to learn the lesson that Somali factions and external actors are too divided and fragmented to be directed by any player/stakeholder/power the hard way. A new chapter now opens up in which the actual situation, in which there is no dominant actor, no protagonist, no point of momentum in Somalia’s political conflicts,is obvious and at least tacitly acknowledged by all domestic and external parties.

The U.S.-U.N. plan to substitute a new set of institutions for the Transitional Federal Institutions (T.F.I.s) when the latter’s mandate expires in August, 2011 ran to ground on April 13 with the failure of the last U.S.-U.N. attempt to take over the “transition” – a “consultative” conference of Somali factions in Nairobi sponsored by the U.N. The story of the run-up to the conference, its unfolding, and its aftermath brings out the current balance of power among the actors in Somalia’s conflicts and those actors’ checks and counter-checks on each other that prevent the emergence of a coherent configuration of power in the territories of post-independence Somalia, much less the semblance of a political system and even less political integration, which remains a distant and receding dream.

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These projects are countless but the $10billion a year global fight against piracy and “the peace and reconciliation projects” now run by Mr. Mahiga are good examples. Of course there are many countries and organisations that would like Somalia to become peaceful but they do not run the show.

Piracy is evil but the insurance and oil industries of some countries earn billions because of it. There is also probably group5 in the making – a new security firm that will escort the ships and charge the shipping lines and charterers high security fees-   so these countries or organisations see a strong Somali government as the evil that should be fought. Similarly peace and reconciliation conferences are good but there are those who make it a business. They sow differences in leaders and groups so that the process and the projects of mediation do not stop.

The conference which is scheduled to take place in Nairobi allegedly aims to strengthen the relationship between the TFG and the regional administrations in Somalia.

There are two regional administrations in Somalia, namely Somaliland and Puntland. There are 10 to 15 others who proclaim to be regional administrations but none of them comes under the definition of a regional administration as per the transitional federal charter of the country and as such they do not represent a village in Somalia. The TFG sees the conference as a hindrance to the path of peace in Somalia while Somaliland does not agree to participate in the Nairobi conference. The only regional administration present in Mr. Mahiga’s conference will be Puntland!

Mr. Mahiga believes that the decisions and opinions of Somalia’s government, president, and majority of its parliament members, clan elders, civil society and religious leaders do not matter when it comes to what path their country should take. He says these are few people who are either misinformed or misunderstand what is at stake and presents himself as the only one who can decide what should be done when and where!

The UN’s colonial style policies towards poor Somalia are the root causes of the rifts between the TFG and Puntland. Puntland will only prosper and be strong if there is prosperous strong Somalia. All Somali leaders including those of Puntland do not accept Mr. Mahiga as a colonial governor who has authority over Somalia’s national leaders. The international community spends a lot of money in the name of creating stability in Somalia. These funds are misused by some to divide Somalia. If the purpose of an economic assistance is to have Somalia represented by a Tanzanian or a South Korean, all Somali leaders should reject it and condemn the donors in the strongest terms.

President Farole of Puntland will be a national hero if he goes to Mogadishu and resolves his differences with the national leaders or invites them to Garowe for that matter. He’ll be on the wrong side of history if he talks behind Mr. Mahiga or asks him to convey massages to the national leaders.

It is clear and crystal that the conference has been rejected by the overwhelming majority of Somalis. Instead of spending huge amounts of money on delegates who do not represent any one while millions in the country are suffering from severe droughts, Mr. Mahiga is urged for the sake of goodness to visit Garowe or Mogadishu and say it loudly that he is not a colonial governor and that he will never ever try to impose his will on the Somali people again.

If Mr. Mahiga wants to assist the Somali people, he should try to convince his country of Tanzania to treat the Somali emigrants humanely and respect their human rights. He should also resign from his current post as majority of Somalis now know that he is there to do divide the country.

http://www.hiiraan.com/op2/2011/apr/the_nairobi_conference_the_colonial_governor.aspx

Azania waa Dhulka Soomaaliyeed ee dhinaca koonfurta laga soo bilaabo Baledwayne ilaa iyo Kenya iyo Ithobiya xuduudahooda laga gaaro. Magacaan waxaa bixiyay Masaaridii hore oo dhulka Soomaaliyeed u soo baayacmushtari jirtay kuwas oo ka tirsanaan jiray Faraacintii Masar maamuli jirtay dhalashadii Nabi Ciise ka hor “NNK”. Masaaradii markii ay yimaadeen dhulkii Soomaliyeed waxaa ay kula kulmeen laba shay oo kala duwan oo laga kala helay dhinaca waqooyi iyo dhinaca koonfureed. Dhinaca waqooyi waxaa ay ka heleen geedo udgoon oo aad u carafa oo ay u isticmaali jireen waxyaalaha udugga; halka dhinaca koonfureedna ay ka heleen Barwaaqo, Baad iyo biyo leh taas oo ay u bixiyeen magacaan “Azania”. Dhinaca waqooyi ee Soomaliya waxay u bixiyeen “Punt” dhulkii udgoonaa, dhinaca kalena “Azania” dhulkii Barwaaqada ahaa.

Dhulkaan Azania waa inta u dhaxaysa labada Webi ee Soomaliya marta. Webi Shabeelle iyo Webi Jubba. waana dhulka ugu barwaaqada badan Soomaaliya oo ay ku noolaan karaan Dad iyo Duunyo. dhulkaan waxaa isaga soo dabamaray Boqortooyin maamuli jira ilaa iyo muddo badan, waxaa ka mid ahaa Boqortooyooyinkaas: Boqortooyada Geledi, Boqortooyada Ajuuraan iyo kuwa kale. Boqortooyooyinkaan waxaa ay ka mid ahaayeen kuwii ugu fican ee Soomaaliya soo mara gaar ahaan dhinaca koonfureed waxaana ay gaarisiyeen dhulki ay maamuli jireen hor mar siyaasadeed, mid dhaqaale iyo mid bulsho. Dhinaca waqooyi waxaa maamuli jiray Boqortooyadii Zaylac.

Khubarada cilmiga casriga ah ee Taariikhda waxaa si buuxda isugu raaceen in dhulkaan uu yahay dhulka hadda ay deganyihiin, leeyihiina Bulshada Soomaaliyeed ee “Reewing” ama Raxanwayn. Ummadaan dhulka ay degto ayaa ah kan ugu barwaaqada badan Soomaliya marka laga hadlaayo khayraadka dabiicga ha oo Ilaahay nagu manaystay kaas oo Soomaalida oo dhan ay xusul duub ugu jiraan sidaa ay halkaas mar un lugta ula galin lahayn balse cashar lama ilaawaan ah ay kula kulmeen sanadka markuu ahaa 1999-kii ka dib markii si qasab ah looga soo eryaday iyagoo waliba balan qaaday in mar dambe ay cag soo saari doonin balse ay ogolyihin Soomaalinimo. Waana tii markii hore ay diidanayeen in Soomalinimada wax lagau qaybsado oo rabay in ay marka hore boob wax ku radiyaan hadase runtu run gaartay.

Sida laga soo bartay Taariikhihii iyo Ilbaxnimooyinki hore ayaa cadaynaya in Ummada walba oo degan meel biyo leh ay yihiin kuwa ugu ilbaxsan oo nabaduna ay mar walba raadiyaan si ay dannahooda ay u gaareen. dhinaca kale bulshada xoolo-dhaqatada waa midda ugu dhibka badan oo ilbaxnimadu ay ku yartahay waase ay taariikhdu cadaynayso.

http://s1038.photobucket.com/albums/a463/jubbalanddf/Furitaankii%20Shirkii%20Maamulka%20Jubbaland%20Day%201/?albumview=slideshow

http://www.hiiraan.com/op2/2011/mar/somali_diasporas_call_upon_the_un_and_the_un_security_council_to_stop_ethiopia_s_aggression_and_meddling_in_the_internal_affairs_of_somalia.aspx

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yCp8feMHWGw

Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government (TFG) has squandered the goodwill and support it received and achieved little of significance in the two years it has been in office. It is inept, increasingly corrupt and hobbled by President Sharif’s weak leadership. So far, every effort to make the administration modestly functional has come unstuck. The new leaner cabinet looks impressive on paper but, given divisive politics and the short timeframe, is unlikely to deliver significant progress on key transitional objectives, such as stabilising Somalia and delivering a permanent constitution before August 2011, when the TFG’s official mandate ends. Although the Transitional Federal Parliament unilaterally has

awarded itself a further three-year-extension, urgent attention needs to be given to the government’s structural flaws that stymie peacebuilding in central and south Somalia. If the TFG does not make serious progress on correcting its deficiencies by August, the international community should concentrate its support on the more effective local entities, until a more appropriate and effective national government is negotiated.

To blame the TFG or Sharif solely for the continued catastrophe would be unfair. At the core of Somalia’s governance crisis is a deeply-flawed centralising state model. The international community has not yet learned the lesson that re-establishing a European-style centralised state, based in Mogadishu, is almost certain to fail. For most Somalis, their only experience with the central government is that of predation. Since independence, one clan, or group of clans, has always used its control of the centre to take most of the resources and deny them to rival clans. Thus, whenever a new transitional government is created, Somalis are naturally wary and give it limited, or no, support, fearing it will only be used to dominate and marginalise them.

http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/africa/horn-of-africa/somalia/170%20Somalia%20The%20Transitional%20Government%20on%20Life%20Support.ashx

This is in response to Mr. Mohamed Obsiye’s article entitled “The changing political landscape in the Horn of Africa”. Perhaps the author of this article which appeared on Jumhuuriye online, the mouthpiece of secessionist Somaliland, wanted to say the changing political landscape of Somalia, as there is no such change taking place in the Horn of Africa.

I also presume the author is referring to the upcoming state of Southern Sudan whose capital will be Juba, or maybe Eretria which peacefully broke its long association with Ethiopia in early 1991 following a bloody long struggle. The political and social make-up of the two aforementioned is totally different to that of Somalia – Somaliland situation. Eretria was an Italian colony alongside Italian Somaliland until it was captured by the Commonwealth forces spearheaded by the British forces in 1941. The British continued to administer the territory under a UN mandate until 1951 when Eretria was federated with Ethiopia’s Haille Salassie as per UN resolution 390(A), which had the blessing of the US, the age-old ally of imperial Ethiopia.The strategic importance of Eritrea, due to its Red Sea coastline and mineral resources, was the main cause for the federation with Ethiopia, which in turn led to Eritrea’s annexation as Ethiopia’s 14th province in 1952. This was the culmination of a gradual process of takeover by the Ethiopian authorities, a process which included a 1959 edict establishing the compulsory teaching of Amharic, the official language of Ethiopia, in all Eritrean schools. The anger and frustration felt by the Eritrean people as a direct consequence of these repressive measures eventually led to a 30-year liberation war against successive Ethiopian governments which ended with the establishment of Independent Eretria in 1991. Whilst people of British Somaliland were overwhelming in favor of joining their brethren in Italian Somaliland on June 1960, the Eritreans were annexed by Ethiopia (see the word annexation underlined above) and made the 14th province, the same way ogaden (the current Somali state of Ethiopia) was invaded earlier by the same country. Contrary to what die-hard secessionists like this author want us to believe, the process of uniting the two colonized Somalis was planned well before the union of 1st July 1960.

Rebuttal of Mohamed Obsiye’s Article: The changing Political Landscape in the Horn of Africa